Rich and retired: the boom beneficiaries who finance Germany's far right

One man, Hartmut Issmer, reflects on Germany’s recent history with a sense of decline, particularly from the period between the 1970s to 2015 when Chancellor Angela Merkel allowed migrants into the country. Issmer, a wealthy construction engineer and the biggest known donor of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, longs for the past when political figures like Franz-Josef Strauss were prominent, and he voices concerns about the current direction of the country.

As the AfD gains momentum in opinion polls ahead of upcoming elections, the party faces increased legal and political scrutiny that could potentially result in the loss of all state funding. This would elevate the significance of private donors like Issmer, who contributed 250,000 euros last year. Many affluent, older individuals who profited from Germany’s post-war economic growth now have resources to support their beliefs.

The AfD relies heavily on private sources for its 20 million euros in annual income, with approximately half coming from donors and membership fees, and the other half from state funding tied to electoral performance. Unlike other parties, the AfD receives fewer large donations exceeding 50,000 euros, with a significant portion of contributions falling between 10,000 and 50,000 euros, often from elected officials.

Donors like Issmer, aged over 65, embody a specific cohort of successful individuals, many from sectors like real estate, law, and light manufacturing. While party treasurer Carsten Huetter notes a positive trend in donations, the AfD faces the challenge of replenishing its aging donor base, especially if state funding is revoked.

Issmer, a charismatic figure who campaigned in market squares across Germany, advocates for a return to a pre-migration, pre-climate change era, aligning himself with far-right ideologies. His support extends to publications like the far-right magazine Compact, raising concerns about his ties to extremist organizations and his opposition to pandemic-related lockdowns.

While some of Issmer’s views may resonate with Germany’s automotive industry, the AfD’s controversial reputation for extremism and racism has deterred potential supporters. Business figures like Hans Christian Limmer severed ties with the party to distance their companies from association with controversial discussions, leaving individuals like Issmer and Henning Zoz, a nanotechnologist and AfD donor, as prominent backers.

Zoz, who donated 14,500 euros in 2020 and seeks political candidacy, shares Issmer’s disillusionment with Merkel’s refugee policy and fears over climate regulations impacting German industry. Amidst accusations of enjoying Moscow’s favor, the party struggles to attract broader support.

Under German law, only donors contributing over 10,000 euros must be disclosed, highlighting the potential influence of undisclosed donors. Despite concerns over the longevity of the party’s aging donor base, the AfD remains financially stable, albeit significantly less funded compared to mainstream parties.

The stark financial contrast is apparent, with the AfD receiving 13.4 million euros in self-generated income in 2022, while parties like the Greens and the Social Democrats, both in government, received significantly more in donations. The imbalance underscores the challenge the AfD faces in sustaining its operations without state support.

As the political landscape evolves, the role of private donors like Issmer and Zoz in shaping the AfD’s trajectory remains crucial, highlighting the complex dynamics of party financing and ideological alignment in Germany.

(Additional reporting by Sarah Marsh, Reporting by Thomas Escritt, Editing by Angus MacSwan)