The LA Poser Struggle: Striking a Pose and Making Waves

The SAG-AFTRA actors’ strike demonstrates Los Angeles’ leadership in the US labor movement. But how did it become a leader after being the “open shop capital of America” for most of the last century?

California, particularly Southern California, and the unions representing its workers have become the forefront of the American labor movement. This year, about half of the major strikes in the US took place in California, with Los Angeles at the center. The recent actors’ strike, announced by SAG-AFTRA on July 13, adds to the ongoing wave of work stoppages by hotel workers, screenwriters, public school employees, and University of California staff. Today’s labor movement is fueled by a sense of militancy and solidarity not seen in decades.

So how did Los Angeles, once a union backwater, become a driving force in the labor movement? The answer lies in the current resurgence of unions across the country. With low unemployment but rising inflation, workers are eager to secure better wages. The pandemic highlighted the vulnerability of workers, essential or not, during closures, layoffs, and health risks. People believe that management failed to protect their well-being, leading to a decline in its legitimacy.

Although Southern California shares common concerns with the rest of the country, some issues are unique to the region. The exorbitant cost of housing, for example, affects three out of four renters in LA, who spend more than 30% of their income on shelter. This disparity has fueled demands for wage increases to make housing more affordable, echoing sentiments in various strikes, including those by teachers, janitors, hotel workers, and screenwriters.

Unite Here Local 11, the union leading the hotel strike, advocates for housing initiatives that repurpose vacant rooms for the homeless and assist hospitality workers in securing affordable housing. Hotel owners argue that the union is overstepping its role in collective bargaining. However, such ambitious goals have historically garnered widespread support for major industrial unions, which fought not only for equal pay but also for pensions, health insurance, and vacations.

Economic distress is not the sole factor motivating labor actions. LA was the first American city where union leadership truly reflected its diverse working class, reshaping the local labor movement. This transformation began in the 1990s when Miguel Contreras diversified the Los Angeles Federation of Labor, shifting its focus from white building trades to include the growing Latino proletariat.

Contreras and his successors, including his wife Maria Elena Durazo, have had a significant political impact, driving Southland politics to the left. They understood that labor fights must be fought on two fronts: mobilizing progressive voters while unions strike and bargain. This approach has shaped a unique political landscape, different from the anti-union conservatism once influential in Southern California. The city has embraced policies akin to a municipal New Deal, such as implementing a local minimum wage and establishing a city-owned bank.

Public support from influential figures also bolsters the labor movement. Los Angeles City Council members Hugo Soto-Martínez and Nithya Raman, along with Assemblywoman Wendy Carrillo, were among nearly 200 people arrested during a recent protest supporting the hotel union. City officials emphasized the need to address the challenges faced by working-class Angelenos.

When a global icon like Harrison Ford publicly declares support for unions, it further legitimizes the Southern California labor movement. However, the key to success lies in organizing. Most unions involved in strikes this summer have a long history. Despite past shortcomings, any semblance of organization is better than none, as non-union workers do not go on strike. Their grievances often lead to high turnover, which is why employers resist recognizing unions.

In Southern California, vigorous demographic and occupational changes have reinvigorated old unions. The United Auto Workers’ West Coast region, for instance, has revitalized itself by organizing tens of thousands of academic workers. While LA is currently the epicenter of labor activism, it mirrors historical patterns. In each generation, a city or region rises as the vanguard, such as Chicago in the late 19th century, Detroit, Akron, and Pittsburgh in the 1930s, and New York and Wisconsin in the 1950s and 1960s. Memphis, where African American sanitation workers sought Martin Luther King Jr’s assistance, also played a crucial role. Today, Los Angeles sets the pace for millions of working people across the United States as the labor movement gains momentum nationwide. — Los Angeles Times/TNS

Nelson Lichtenstein is a research professor at UC Santa Barbara.