IS democracy backsliding globally? Are citizens no longer interested in voting? How should we respond to the rise of autocratic governments?
These were the big questions floating around during Inter-national Democracy Day (IDD) in Brussels, a yearly event organised by democracy organisations and think tanks. I had the chance to attend the event in person, and it gave me a lot to think about.
The United Nations Develop-ment Programme has called 2024 a “super year” for elections. From global superpowers like the United Kingdom and the United States to our neighbour Indonesia, 74 countries will be heading to the polls, placing the fate of 3.7 billion voters on the line.
Amidst these elections, the alarm bells of global democratic backsliding are ringing. The conference noted a rise in autocratic governments worldwide, and independent watchdog organisation Freedom House reported an “extensive” deterioration in global freedom this year.
The conference couldn’t have been timelier. IDD, established by the United Nations in 2007 and celebrated annually on Sept 15, is about promoting and defending democratic values. This year’s theme, “A Year of Elections”, brought in a stellar lineup of speakers. We heard from notable figures like exiled Venezuelan Opposition leader Leopoldo López, and Pita Limjaroenrat, the former leader of Thailand’s Move Forward Party and prime minister-designate.
The event also saw the presentation of this year’s Global State of Democracy report and Democracy Perception Index.
The conversations at IDD gave me fresh perspectives on the global state of democracy – a topic close to my heart as a Public Administration and Public Policy student. Hearing from those who’ve fought for democracy in their countries was both eye-opening and inspiring, especially given my own experience as a youth advocate in Malaysia.
Here are three major reflections I had from the conference:
1. Reframing democracy: Globally, voter turnout has seen a decline from 62% to 55% over the past 15 years, which is alarming. It suggests that people feel voting is a meaningless exercise or that systematic voter suppression is at play.
However, it is equally important to recognise that much academic understanding of democracy and political behaviour is institution-centric, not people- centric. Reason and emotion are two parts of the same human reality, especially when making decisions at the ballot box.
The conference discussed a misalignment in expectations, and I found this to be especially true. Research has shown that young people’s hopes for democracy and the way these are being addressed (or not) by politicians are highly mismatched. It was even suggested that a majority of young people are critical, rather than apathetic, as commonly believed.
To me, this is best termed as democratic frustration – a feeling of wanting to get something out of democracy but getting short-changed instead. These are signs we are noticing in Malaysia, with many voters citing the slow pace of reforms as grounds for dissatisfaction.
Politicians and academics need to reframe democracy, moving forward. Malaysian politicians need to figure out what the rakyat are not getting out of elections and realign expectations, which may just be the key to winning elections. Mean-while, academics can consider how big crises like the environment and public health could threaten the inclusivity and resilience of democracies.
People do not come out to vote when they are unhappy with the political offer put before them. Voters’ concerns need to be treated seriously, and reframing democracy as people-centric helps that.
2. Better mobilisation: One of the standout moments for me was when Pita was asked about his party’s success with young voters. His response? “What comes before mobilisation of young people is empathy and motivation.”
The writer was excited to meet Pita (right), who talked about his party’s success with young Thai voters. — Photo provided
That really resonated with me. Politicians need to truly understand the concerns of young voters. In Malaysia, the general characterisation that young Malay voters are contributing to the “green wave” (referring to the growing strength of PAS, which has a green flag) is harmful and risks alienating a key voter demographic.
A study published by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute titled “Why Young Malay Voters in Malaysia are Turning Green” helps us understand this trend best. The author notes that an emphasis on Islamic principles and governance, social justice, and anti-corruption has helped certain parties resonate with the identities of target groups.
I do not think these characteristics are indicators of youths becoming more conservative, but rather are platforms that can be pursued by any political party. The Madani concept promoted by the current government emphasises Islamic teachings itself, but it is unfortunate that Pakatan Harapan’s stance on anti-corruption has been perceived to be compromised by some.
Politicians need to go beyond understanding voter concerns and shape their campaigns around local issues that truly resonate with each community. As Pita pointed out, mobilising people to vote can be done by localising elections. By focusing on constituency-specific issues rather than broad national concerns, politicians can better connect with voters, especially the youth.
Engagement at the local level is crucial. Leaders must tailor their messages to fit the unique needs of each demographic – whether it’s age, economic worries, or social values. This approach not only wins elections but also builds a more inclusive political narrative, bridging divides and fostering growth across different communities.
A wall with hand prints made by supporters in the colors of the Venezuelan flag is displayed during a rally called by the country’s opposition leader Maria Corina Machado in Buenos Aires in protest against the disputed results of its recent presidential election. — Reuters
3. Democracy as the best available option: The “2024 Global State of Democracy” report, prepared by the Inter-national Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, paints a pretty grim picture. One in three voters lives in a country where the quality of elections is declining, and democratic setbacks now outweigh progress.
Yet there is hope. Elections have retained their promise of empowering the people, as incumbents have lost in many highly watched elections in 2023 and 2024. In fact, over 80% of Malaysians responded that democracy is important in this year’s Democracy Perception Index report.
Bangladesh presents an inspiring example of how autocratic regimes can be overthrown and democracy reinstated. After their autocratic government was ousted in August 2024, the interim government, led by Prof Muhammad Yunus, has been hard at work rebuilding democratic institutions. Their story proves that even after years of authoritarian rule, people’s desire for fair elections can prevail.
I am optimistic about Malaysia’s democracy. Over the past five years, we have seen the peaceful transfer of power via elections not once, but twice. We have also seen that parties are able to compete fairly in elections, and that we have not witnessed the deterioration of civil liberties, unlike our neighbouring countries, Indonesia and Thailand.
That is why we must be wary about who we elect as leaders of the country. This applies especially to those who have passed emergency ordinances to stifle debate at the parliamentary level or questioned the integrity of the Constitutional monarchy in handling election results, particularly at a time when rejecting electoral outcomes is a populist strategy.
As highlighted at IDD, democracy isn’t perfect, but it’s still the best system we have for translating the people’s aspirations into governance. We need to protect it at all costs.
